Duran Kalkan, member of the KCK Executive Council, said that "the revolution in East Kurdistan and Iran brought a change in mentality and lifestyle."

Part One of this interview can be read here

Based on your assessment of global developments, what were the most important events and developments in the Middle East in 2022?

There are many different parts of the Middle East and in many of them important developments took place last year. This can also be said about the years before 2022. But last year, this was all the more the case. The development that has left the biggest mark on the region is the struggle in Kurdistan. This struggle is based on the war of the guerrillas. And there is also resistance in Imrali. Leader Apo has enlightened humanity theoretically with his thoughts and Defense Writings [the 5-volume book Manifesto of the Democratic Civilization]. But he did not stop there. He has also put these thoughts into practice with his stance, his way of life and his struggle. He lives what he says. This has had a great impact on everyone who has shown interest. Imrali is a system of genocide but also a place of life that is full of resistance to the very end; a resistance for a free life. This is what Leader Apo´s life is like. The developments in Kurdistan are definitely what has left the greatest mark on the whole year in the region. Recently, the developments in Iran have been added to this. But that only happened in the last three months.

The Iran-US conflict has been affecting the region in the past years. To a certain extent, this effect still continues today, but not at the same level as before. What is new in Iran is the uprising of the people, which is led by women. It is possible to define this uprising as a new event affecting the whole region. But this has only been the case in the last three months of 2022. The struggle in Kurdistan has shaped  developments throughout the whole year. The fascist, colonialist and genocidal attacks carried out by the AKP-MHP dictatorship – supported by the USA, NATO and the collaboration and betrayal of the KDP – to crush the Kurdish Freedom Movement and complete the Kurdish genocide continued in 2022. Against this, the resistance and struggle of the Freedom Guerrilla, Leader Apo in Imrali, the Kurdish youth, the women and the Kurdish people shaped the last year. This resistance was centered on [the South Kurdish areas] Zap, Avaşîn and Metîna, but it also took place in North Kurdistan [East Turkey], the cities of Turkey, South Kurdistan [North Iraq] and Rojava.

Recently, a meeting took place in Amman. The powers that attended this meeting said that they discussed Iraq’s problems and how to strengthen the country. But this meeting was not really about Iraq. It was a meeting to assess the developments related to Kurdistan. The Iraq problem is a Kurdistan problem. The situation in Iraq has systemic aspects. This is the area where the power and state system was established. The crisis of the system is most severe there. The country´s riches are a reason for today´s crisis, but the most important issue is the Kurdish question. All these problems arise around the Kurdish question, on the basis of the division of Kurdistan and the genocide there. These are all problems connected to the Kurdish question. It is important to understand this.

Iraq held elections but was unable to form a government for a long time. Eventually, it did. In fact, this is not a problem of the government. Iraq’s problem is a problem of humanity. The power and state system has created these problems and societies now need to solve them. In this sense, the actual problems are very different in nature from the ones that the meeting in Amman dealt with. The problem is not Iraq itself, which is unable to change. Rather, Turkey and Syria are today´s current problem. The crisis of the system is mostly centered in Turkey and Syria. The system cannot change or renew itself. It is unable to take a step forward. There are the Assad regime and the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria. And then there is also Turkey’s occupation. Turkey is constantly carrying out air strikes. Many Islamist proxy forces have emerged in the area, from al-Qaeda to IS. They have taken control of a significant part of Syria with the help of Turkey. Currently, no one can take the slightest steps that could lead to a solution. The AKP-MHP fascist dictatorship is against any such steps and threatens everyone. But no one can change this regime. The system has organized the opposition [in Turkey] to replace the AKP-MHP government. But the all-out fascist, colonialist and genocidal attacks unleashed by the AKP-MHP and the PKK-led resistance of the guerrillas and the Kurdish people have prevented this. The system is unable to change the Erdoğan-Bahçeli administration. They are afraid to really change it, because they fear that the guerrillas and the PKK will become stronger and that Turkey will be democratized. The system has promoted something they call ´The Table of Six´. But the AKP wants to remain in power with the help of its war. And it continues to receive the support of the system by pointing at the PKK as a threat. The US seemed to be against this regime for a while, but in the end it had to go along with the Erdoğan-Bahçeli fascism. And Russia supports this regime with all its might.

We need to acknowledge the following: If the AKP-MHP had succeeded in the war, they would have become able to dominate everything. They would have intensified the Kurdish genocide and thus overcome the current deadlock. But this did not happen. And the system cannot change this regime either. The AKP-MHP have lost this war. Now, it is the PKK, the HBDH and the revolutionary democratic forces that are in the position to bring about change.

These forces are pushing for a stronger democratization which frightens the system. The system finds itself in a deadlock today. The press is discussing ‘Tayyip or Kılıçdaroğlu?’ as if they are trying to tell fortunes. In such a situation, the important point is that the revolutionary democratic development led by the guerrilla war is turned into politics; that this democratic politics develops into an effective governing force. This is an important development. In fact, this is the most important development that shows the power to overcome the current deadlock that exists.

So at the end of 2022, a very important level with regards to this issue has been reached. The AKP started its renewed attacks [on the Medya Defense Zones, South Kurdistan] on April 14, 2022. Its plan was to defeat the guerrillas in a week or two. Then it was going to attack North and East Syria and destroy the Rojava Revolution. Thus, as a victorious power, it wanted to win the elections in 2023. This was the plan of AKP-MHP fascism. In a way, they [international powers] supported and encouraged this policy. At the same time, they calculated that the PKK would resist this.

Certain forces made the following plans: ‘Let the AKP-MHP attack and the PKK resist so that both of them are weakened. In the meantime, we will bring another force – the so-called opposition or `Table of Six´ – to power and thus bring about a soft change’. They pinned all their hopes on this. Thus, they wanted to take advantage of this state of conflict. And what is the result? The AKP-MHP’s plans did not work. Neither in two weeks, nor in two months. 9 months have passed, but they have still not been able to crush the guerrillas or occupy the Medya Defense Zones. More than that: they have suffered enormous blows, i.e. thousands of casualties. They are now suffering from Zap syndrome. Turkey’s state, police, army and contras are finished.

The balance sheet for the last nine months was announced recently by our headquarters. The enemy had to flee from many areas. The guerrillas captured these areas as a result of its attacks in November and December. These developments can go even further. The plan [of the AKP-MHP] did not succeed. For a short while, those who wanted the `Table of Six´ to take over power were quite enthusiastic. But now, not only the AKP-MHP’s plans have come to naught. All those who came to crush the guerrillas have themselves been defeated. Zap has become the grave of Turkey´s fascism, colonialism and genocide. The recent attacks by the guerrillas and the point the war has reached show this very clearly. Consequently, there is neither an environment in which the AKP can remain in power or celebrate any victories, nor can the CHP replace the AKP. On the contrary, the defeat of the AKP-MHP in Zap actually means the defeat of the Turkish state and its fascist, genocidal and colonialist mentality and politics. This also means a defeat for the system [of capitalist modernity]. It means the defeat of capitalist modernity – the system that created the Kurdish problem – against the guerrillas.

As a result, the democracy movement is now the element that will bring about the biggest changes in 2023. The guerrillas lead this movement. There is popular resistance. And there is the domain of democratic politics. Recently, the attacks by the AKP-MHP fascism have been very intense. They have used chemical weapons, tactical nuclear weapons and all kinds of other weapons whose use constitutes a war crime. In order to crush the guerrillas, they have resorted to these kinds of methods. They have repeatedly threatened Rojava and killed many civilians there. The aim of all this was to prevent their defeat in Zap. Since the AKP-MHP has realized that it cannot prevent this, it is now trying to destroy all the forces of democracy in North Kurdistan and Turkey. They put Şebnem Korur Fincancı in prison when she demanded an investigation into the use of chemical weapons. This is how much the AKP-MHP is against such investigations. Journalists who report on this issue are in jail. Artists who talk about Kurds and democracy are in jail. Women who fight for freedom, who unmask this system that rapes 6-year-old children are in jail. They have filed a closure case against the HDP and hold it over the HDP like the sword of Damocles. Recently, they also attacked DBP and other parties. They don’t want to leave a single person that fights for democracy. This is the level these attacks have reached. What do all these attacks show? They show that AKP-MHP fascism has been defeated in Zap, Avaşîn and Metîna. If this had not happened and if the AKP-MHP had succeeded there, they would not have been carrying out all these attacks. They are doing all this because they have been defeated. The system [of capitalist modernity] supports all this. No one made a sound. While AKP-MHP fascism carries out such attacks, Germany does the same. They support this policy. Why? They saw the defeat of the AKP-MHP and know that democracy will grow stronger. Turkey will become the most democratic country in the world. It will go through a democratic revolution. 2023 will be the year of a democratic revolution in Turkey. The forces of capitalist modernity are afraid of this. They want a fascist oligarchic dictatorship to prevail in Turkey. That is why they support fascism against the current democratic developments. They support the fascist dictatorship and all kinds of genocidal attacks.

In such a situation, there can be no solution in Syria. In other words, this will continue in 2023. There is a defeated AKP-MHP. And there are very serious developments in terms of the question of how the governments in Turkey and Syria will be renewed.

At the end of this year, the guerrilla resistance and the democracy movement find themselves in a strong position. They are the forces of change and transformation that determine the direction of Turkey. The circles that are afraid of this continue to attack and try to crush them. This also has an affect on the Middle East, e.g. on the developments in Iraq. Apart from that, Iraq does not have any other problems. They invited the AKP-MHP – the friends of IS – to the recent meeting in Amman. However, the peoples of North and East Syria have waged the biggest struggle against IS. They have established an autonomous administration. If Amman had been a meeting of anti-IS forces, the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria should have gone there. But they weren´t invited. Instead of strengthening Iraq, the Iraqi side is exploring ways to support the AKP-MHP. This is dangerous. We would like to warn them. If there was a democratic approach, if they really envisaged solving the Kurdish problem and democratizing the region, we would attach great importance to these efforts and would want to participate in them. This is what needs to happen. We appreciate such efforts. But approaches aimed at sustaining AKP-MHP fascism, Turkish colonialism and genocide are dangerous. They must be opposed and fought against.

So what will 2023 be like? It will be a year of an even more intense struggle. And certain results will be achieved as well. With regards to the Kurdish question in Turkey, Syria and Iraq, new results will definitely come to light.

There are also current developments in Iran and East Kurdistan. What meaning and importance do they have for the anti-system forces and the region?

Yes, since mid-September, a strong women-led movement and uprising has emerged around the slogan ‘Jin, Jiyan, Azadî’. This has spread throughout Iran, especially in East Kurdistan. This movement deserves to be considered as one of the most important developments in the Middle East in 2022. As a result of its ideological depth on the basis of women’s leadership, as well as its effectiveness and widespread influence, it has succeeded in rapidly transforming itself into a regional and global movement.

This uprising, which started after the murder of Jîna Emînî, a young Kurdish woman from East Kurdistan, has not only demanded women’s freedom in a very concrete way. It has also become a movement aiming to democratize Iran as a whole and to live social freedoms within a democratic system. This is very meaningful and important. The uprising has turned Iran back into a revolutionary arena worthy of its history. Thus, it has completed the revolution in the Middle East. It is noteworthy that when the revolutionary movement in Iran was weak, the revolutionary reality of the Middle East was somewhat incomplete. This movement has made up for this incompleteness and turned the Middle East into an arena of a democratic society movement and a democratic revolution on the basis of women’s freedom. In the same way, it has completed the Kurdistan revolution and the Kurdish women’s revolution. East Kurdistan’s uprising under the leadership of women has therefore not only spread the women’s liberation revolution in Kurdistan to all Kurdish women, but also spread the Kurdistan Freedom Struggle in general to the whole of Kurdistan. East Kurdistan’s strong potential of society and women has thus been won for the revolution. These are among the most important events of the last three and a half months of 2022.

On this basis, I would like to salute the struggle for freedom and democracy of the people and women of Iran and East Kurdistan. They are waging this struggle with their very unique methods and without resorting to violence. They struggle with persistence and determination. I would like to commemorate their martyrs and express my strong belief that they will be successful.

It is important to mention that Iran has been one of the areas where the struggle between the forces of capitalist modernity and of democratic modernity has taken place most clearly and concretely. When he assessed the Iranian revolution at the end of the 1970s, Leader Apo said that the most concrete battles of modernity had taken place there. Now we see the forces of two modernities clashing in Iran in the same way, but much more openly. The current struggle needs to be understood in this way. The women, young people and people who want freedom and democracy definitely represent the forces of democratic modernity. We can even say that they are the vanguard of the forces of democratic modernity. It is indisputable that the forces that oppose, obstruct and respond with massacres are the forces of capitalist modernity. These are the forces that want to reconcile and integrate Iran into the system of capitalist modernity.

We can see that the contradictions and conflicts of 40 years ago are continuing in this form. The forces that want to take over the revolution and integrate Iran into the system of capitalist modernity and the forces of democratic modernity are struggling against each other. This means that the forces of democratic modernity in Iran have not disappeared or been liquidated. They have not stopped insisting on freedom and democracy. With their current struggle, they want to ensure that Iran does not become a part of capitalist modernity, but of democratic modernity instead. That is what they insist on. First and foremost, this is important for us to understand. We need to understand well the libertarian and democratic content of the revolution against the Shah’s rule 40 years ago. Today, this revolution is being represented by women, youth and peoples who want freedom. They keep alive the ideological content of the revolution that was won against the Shah and want to make it prevail. In fact, they are fighting against those who deviate from this content of the revolution, those who compromise and reconcile themselves with the system of capitalist modernity and the capitalist order. This is very important and meaningful. The current struggle has such a historical meaning and significance. The great revolution against the Shah’s rule is very much alive today in the form of the women-led ‘Jin. Jiyan, Azadî’-uprising. This revolution is seeking to expand its influence today. For 40 years, the goals of the revolution have been kept alive in society for this purpose. This has become very clear now.

On the other hand, we have to say that Iranian society is the most democratic, conscious and organized society in the Middle East. It really has such a history. Iran is where – historically speaking – the most movements for freedom and democracy developed. From the Mazdakis to the Khurramites, from Rustemê Zal to the Babakis, the strongest freedom movements in history existed in Iran. Iranian society has always been a society seeking freedom and democracy. Therefore, the social fabric is very strong there.

Social life is strong there. The French are considered to be the society in Europe that has contributed the most to the development of the civil society movement and democratic life. In the Middle East, we definitely need to understand Iranian societies in the same way. Therefore, the current movement of this uprising and the quest for freedom and democracy have a strong historical basis. Today, this historical basis has actually taken the form of a reckoning. The results of this struggle will give an answer to the following question: ´Will the revolution that has been continuing for more than 40 years be a revolution of democratic modernity, will it ensure the democratic life of the peoples under the leadership of women, or will it be integrated into capitalist modernity, the capitalist order, as it was under the Shah?´

It is worth adding here that the current Iranian system can reform itself. It can renew and change itself according to the demands for freedom and democracy voiced by the women and the other social segments. It is necessary to understand the current Iranian system accordingly, but this requires an appropriate mentality. There is a need for a change in mentality and style. If Iran shows the ability to undergo such a change, the system can reform itself and solve the current problems. It can transform itself into a strong Islamic democracy movement by renewing itself and becoming one with the beginning of the revolution without resorting to violence. Democratic Islam can exist in Iran in the strongest possible way. We have also made calls in this direction. We wanted there to be no conflicts in this regard. We have also stated that we would provide whatever support we can. But it seems that the forces that are open for democratizing themselves are weak. The forces that are more inclined towards capitalist modernity are currently trying to become dominant in the administration. Yes, they opted for a careful approach at first. Harsh measures were not used in the beginning. But this still did not lead to a solution. Gradually, things like arrests, executions, etc. were carried out. We certainly do not find these measures right. We have said from the very beginning that violence should not become a part of this. We have also called on women and society who want freedom not to use violence and to struggle with democratic methods based on their legitimate framework. We have made similar calls on the Iranian government as well. We have said publicly that it would be better not to resort to violence, not to try to crush the demands with oppression, but to seek reform solutions, and that we would support this. But it seems that this approach has not become strong enough. There has not been an all-out suppression, but the use of violence has increased recently. And so has the death toll. There have been executions. This is the wrong thing to do. We therefore call on the Iranian government to refrain from such practices, to stop the executions and the use of violence, to try to understand the women, youth and people in Iran who want freedom and democracy.

In fact, the sensitivity and dynamism of Iranian women and society is a source of progress and strength for Iran. It is definitely not a factor of evil, but a factor of goodness, positivity and beauty. These developments turn Iran into a rich, revolutionary and socialist country and make life there meaningful. Therefore, as a government that tries to oppose the system of capitalist modernity in certain ways, the Iranian government should be happy about the development the Iranian women and youth have gone through. It should consider this as an element of wealth and greatness for itself. Accordingly, it should develop understanding for them and develop reform solutions based on discussions and debates. We believe that this kind of attitude will make the current Iranian rulers strong and effective. We therefore renew our call: We want the executions and the use of violence to stop. The increase of violence and executions will harm Iranian society, the Iranian system and the current Iranian leadership more than anything else.

The latest developments in Iran, i.e. the women-led uprising and the current Iranian revolution, should not be understood as a revolutionary movement within the narrow political and military struggle over sovereignty or power. Such an approach would be too narrow. The Iranian revolution, the revolution of East Kurdistan is far more than that. It cannot be explained in the narrow molds of politics and the military. It is not a revolutionary movement in the sense that ‘so-and-so’s rule is overthrown and another person takes over just to rule in a very similar way. This could not be called a revolution anyway. The Iranian Revolution has a historical foundation and at the same time a very broad contemporary meaning. First of all, it is a great revolution of mentality, lifestyle and ideology. This revolution of mentality and ideology is very deep. It has direct effects on the way people live their lives. People want to live in freedom. Therefore, they demand the development of a democratic society and the democratization of governance. The demands of the Iranian revolution, the demands of Iranian women and young people are not simple demands. These are not minor interests. The issue here is not the pursuit of material interests. On the contrary, these demands express a search for truth. It is a powerful revolution of truth. What is a revolution of truth? We know very well that this means a revolution of mentality and lifestyle. The essence of the latest developments in East Kurdistan and Iran actually constitutes a change in mentality and lifestyle, that is, an ideological change and development. This is how we need to understand this issue.

The social content of the revolution in Iran and East Kurdistan is very deep. It is a revolution that encompasses many social dimensions. That is why it cannot be understood or defined in narrow political or military terms. It is a revolution that takes place moment by moment in people’s souls, emotions, consciousness, behavior and lifestyles. It is a revolution that creates itself every moment through the changes in all of these areas. In this sense, a great revolution has been taking place in Iran for the last three and a half months. We can clearly see that women, young people and society are experiencing a strong change in mentality. They are breaking apart the old patterns of mentality, developing new understandings and measures, making changes and innovations with regards to their way of life. In other words, they are experiencing an ideological development. The Iran of three months ago and the Iran of today are very different. No one can return to the previous conditions. Iranian women, youths, workers and laborers and the Iranian peoples have experienced a radical change of mentality, an ideological change. This is a very important development. Therefore, it is not possible to force the people and the current revolutionary developments to return to previous times. A great revolution is taking place. We need to understand the Iranian revolution as a revolution of democratic modernity. In other words, we need to understand it as a revolution of mentality and lifestyle, as an ideological revolution. This is the essence of the women’s revolution. Women’s leadership has given this revolution its character. And we believe that this will continue. Consequently, we renew our calls on women, youths and peoples: We salute their resistance. Their demands are legitimate. They can and should be persistent in their efforts, but they must be careful never to opt for violence. We demand that the current Iranian government acknowledge this reality and refrain from violence, try to understand the demands of women, youth and society and make efforts to make reforms to meet these demands. We believe that this will also be in their own interests. On this basis, we invite everyone to understand the developments in Iran correctly, to adopt the right attitude towards them, and to fulfill their duties and responsibilities adequately in the face of these developments.