In 2019, the People's Democratic Party (HDP) supported candidates against the AKP-MHP in order to 'defeat fascism'. Describing this as a strategic move, the party used the same strategy at a more tactical level in the elections of 14 and 28 May 2023, which it entered under the name of the Green Left Party, after facing a closure case.

In 2024, the party, which continues its life as DEM, decided to enter the elections with its own candidates and, in some places, with citizen’s consensus. With that decision, the debate began, especially for the large provinces that the CHP had won within the framework of previous strategies. Istanbul was one of the most discussed cities in this sense. Meral Danış Beştaş, DEM Party's Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality co-mayor candidate, told ANF about these discussions and why they decided to present candidates.

You have somehow put forward a strategy for the elections in 2019 and 2023, both as HDP and the Green Left Party. It was also a strategy to defeat fascism, but your strategy changed in the 2024 election. First of all, why did this strategy change? Secondly, after the 14 and 28 May elections, there was a period where your party went to the people and held large meetings. Did those meetings have an impact on changing this strategy?

We always say that we are a people's movement rising from the grassroots. That's why we are the people's party. Of course, the demands and suggestions of our voters, party members, administrators and the people in Turkey are taken very seriously in our party. Because our voter is a political voter, as everyone accepts, we are talking about an electorate and a population that has experienced the pain of this issue, paid a huge price, knows and follows politics better than the politicians. There is such a situation, especially among the Kurdish people. Of course, we are a people's movement and I can say that people have a direct impact on these decisions. But these decisions are taken by the authorized boards of the party that come out of the congress and the congress.

Why did the strategy change? Because we are not a party that focuses solely on elections in politics. We see democratic politics as a method that will enable and ensure change, transformation, solution and peace in Turkey. Politics is not just about entering and exiting elections, it is a path. One of the tools of politics is to get support, to go to the people, but we always go to the people anyway, and the strategic approach we implemented on 14 and 28 May 2023 and in 2019 - I'm talking especially for 2019, because 2023 was more of a tactical stance - could not produce the results we wanted. We found that it could not advance the social struggle we envisaged. On the contrary, it caused a deadlock. We have seen that the opposition, which claims to be against the government as a whole, actually acts for almost the same purposes as the government. After all, we did not do this so that someone could come to power or continue to be in power with the same methods. We did not do this to ignore the rights, freedoms and demands of the Kurds. On the contrary, we wanted to open a door, and we saw that this did not happen, at least not in this time period. And of course, we are a party, and we enter the elections ourselves. The others were exceptions. The main thing is to enter the elections with our own identity.

You said that both sides want to have power. Based on what you said, when the DEM Party or its predecessors nominate candidates, there are now two sentences usually heard: "They agreed with the AKP", or "They agreed with the CHP." Taking the public to the polls in a debate caught between these two discourses has now become almost a tradition. However, the DEM Party has a policy line that it calls the "third way". What does the third path between these two discourses show to the people of Turkey?

This is an abusive, dominating kind of relationship. We don't see ourselves as stuck. On the contrary, we are expanding the third way. We broaden horizons and raise hope. The people of Turkey do not need only two poles, there is a third option, and this may be based on justice, freedom and equality. We are paving the way to democratize this Republic if the forces and dynamics of democracy in Turkey struggle together. Everyone sees us as their own voter based on their own gains and losses. They don't see our political will, our goals, this system we are trying to transform. This shows that we are on the right track. On this occasion, we will be explaining our political stance, views and policies to the widest masses during the election campaign.

Well, in the last election, was the issue you called 'urban reconciliation' understood or not, in connection with what you mentioned?

Perhaps it is not correct to say that it has been fully digested. But I think that a significant portion of our interlocutors understand this, while some consciously do not want to understand it or pretend not to understand it. Urban reconciliation means that it can be a city, a district, a town in that locality, in that city; it does not matter. As the name suggests, the reconciliation of the basic dynamics and institutions of the city as a whole. Let's partner here, meet in A, or B or under this roof, let's get together... It is not possible to understand this immediately, but our democratic perspective also reveals this. I think this will be better understood soon.

For example, the DEM Party nominated candidates in 17 boroughs in Istanbul. Was urban reconciliation achieved in the remaining boroughs, or was this a tactic taken by your party according to its own strength?

We run in 17 boroughs, including the metropolitan city. Unfortunately, there was a time problem in two boroughs. We filed objections in Esenler and Bağcılar, and we are waiting. As a result, this is a decision taken by our party's board. City consensus is not the only criterion; we chose not to show it in some boroughs. We will focus all our attention on 17 boroughs and the Metropolitan Municipality.

But urban reconciliation was achieved in Esenyurt, right?

Yes.

Leaving aside the candidacy debates, there is a serious problem for Istanbul. Which is a possible future earthquake. Istanbul is expecting a major earthquake and preparation for this is the main issue. What is your concrete priority regarding the earthquake as Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality co-mayor candidate? What can you say about this?

Of course, such social issues are also the center of politics. In our opinion, the issue of what is done for the benefit of the people and how much we prioritize society is important, rather than just running an election or which party says what and how they do it. For example, when approaching an earthquake, you prioritize either profit or human life. This is a political choice. We definitely prioritize human life. We prioritize life safety. We prioritize the issue of a risk-free Istanbul. This is our approach to the earthquake. Istanbul is really worried. I mean, I see this everywhere we go, and everyone living in Turkey definitely has a relative in Istanbul. It is necessary to say the words "Istanbul is Turkey" at all times. This is a big city that we all get in touch with and are affected by in some way. Istanbul is actually a country, especially if we consider small countries internationally. We are working very seriously on the earthquake in this aspect. On 1 March, we announced our declaration for Istanbul and shared it with the public in all its details.

So, if I had to mention a few points, we think that profit-oriented earthquake safety cannot be achieved. For example, there is currently a race for projects. 650 thousand houses will be built, there will be urban transformation, how it will happen is being discussed, and when we do detailed research, we see that this urban transformation is happening in high income areas. We learn with horror that construction permits are given in risky areas. Unfortunately, the capital is protected every day. This approach must be rejected outright. We will take a people-oriented approach based on the risk situation. We discuss all the details, from earthquake gathering areas to earthquake houses and cabins. We are discussing how we can make Istanbul a safe city. Istanbul's biggest problem right now is really the earthquake, because people cannot see the future, they do not feel safe, and of course, Istanbul is also the city where poverty is most prevalent. It is the city where people's living conditions are the harshest, because living in Istanbul is more difficult than living in Bayburt. This is a different world with its transportation, prices and costs.

Of course, I am talking about those who live in Istanbul, not about those experiencing Istanbul. Living in Istanbul and experiencing Istanbul are two different things. The majority of the population cannot experience Istanbul. In fact, they cannot go one step further from their own house, street, or neighbourhood. They can only cross the bridge while on the metrobus or see it on their way to work. We cannot see earthquakes, poverty and the right to the city independently of each other. These are all interconnected. As I said, we will explain all the details. We will explain how we will use the budget to make Istanbul a safe city. Of course, with the participation of the public, what earthquake-resistant housing will be in Istanbul, how to identify risk-free areas and how construction should be done in these risk-free areas. And of course, our main perspective is not urban transformation, but decentralization, that is, looking at how we can do it without separating people from their neighbourhoods, streets and neighbours.

Actually, this is a question that should be asked first, but if we consider all the things you have said and the discussions together, this will be the real answer that unites them all. Why do you run as candidates?

In short, we are candidates to reach the people, to be with them, to explain our party, to discuss Turkey's huge problems, and to explain our solution to these issues. We are running our election campaign with a long-term political perspective, to put forward our solution against the deadlock on the Kurdish issue, to base freedom against isolation, to base law against lawlessness, to base justice against injustice, to base life against death, and more.

Because we aim for a government that is for the people and together with the people, and, of course, we have set a transformation goal in this regard with other parties, other political actors and all dynamics. Of course, politics means showing the will to change and transform a little and being able to achieve this. We are not looking to win that seat, it is not about that seat, for us, it is about serving the public. The question of how much we can really serve the people and how we can transform Turkey through Istanbul and, of course, primarily the Kurdish issue.

There is the issue of discrimination in Turkey, the issue of denial, the issue of assimilation, the issue of unequal approach towards beliefs, the issue of inequality towards the Alevi community and the issue of raising women's awareness. Our effort to explain the struggle of the Kurds and the meaning of the prices they paid, to create a policy of peace instead of conflicts, and to transform these issues together with society. Our goal is very important and this is actually what politics is all about. Otherwise, it is not just to win a seat. But of course, we say this very clearly in all our answers, and we say it with conviction: we did not set out with the intention of making someone lose or win. We set out to win. When I say win, I mean to win in all the issues that I have mentioned.