Aldar Xelîl, Executive Committee Member of the Democratic Union Party (PYD), who is among the ten-member Kurdish delegation set to engage in talks with the Damascus administration, stated that they reject the imposed nation-state and centralized system. Xelîl said, “It is impossible to reach new results using outdated tools. That is why the nation-state model, and more importantly, centralization, must not be repeated.”

The Kurdish National Unity and Common Position Conference, held on 16 April 2025 in the city of Qamishlo in Northern and Eastern Syria, had decided to form a delegation for dialogue with the Syrian government. In line with that decision, a ten-member delegation was established. The delegation includes representatives from the PYD, the Kurdish National Council (ENKS), the Autonomous Administration, other Kurdish parties, the women's movement, and independent figures. Their goal is to resolve the Kurdish question and contribute to building a democratic Syria, based on the document adopted at the conference. Aldar Xelîl, who is part of this delegation, spoke to ANF regarding the purpose and vision of the talks.

Can you tell us about the composition and duties of the Kurdish delegation?

The Kurdish National Unity and Common Position Conference resulted in the approval of a document that outlines the Kurdish perspective. This document presents a vision for how a future democratic Syria should be built and, within that framework, how the Kurdish question can be resolved. It now represents the collective position of all Kurdish parties and forces. For this reason, the primary duty of any delegation formed from this point forward is to uphold that document. The delegation will not develop a new policy regarding Syria or the cause of Syrian Kurds. Instead, it will stand behind the shared principles that all Syrian Kurds have agreed upon.

An effort to ensure representation for all Kurds

Great effort was made to ensure that representatives of all Kurdish groups would be included in the delegation. In some cases, 20 to 25 parties had to collectively choose a single representative among themselves, so that all perspectives could be fairly represented. In addition, the women’s movement is represented, along with an independent figure. Members come from the PYD, the ENKS, the Autonomous Administration, and parties both within and outside the region. The document is well known, and those who are part of the delegation are expected, in light of the current political context, to embrace its truth and represent it faithfully.

Steps must be taken with responsibility

We held our first meeting, and only one member, a woman from Afrin (Efrîn), was unable to attend on time. The delegation consists of ten members in total. Their main responsibility will be to represent our region and the level we have achieved during the talks. Our region is not like other parts of Syria. A democratic system has been established here, a revolution has taken place, women are leading, there are self-defense forces. In short, there is a functioning system. Therefore, any steps taken and positions adopted concerning this region will also influence Damascus and other areas. That is why we are approaching this process with great care to avoid any mistakes and to ensure that every step is taken with full responsibility. We are fully aware that a single mistake could deeply affect the future and fate of Syria. At the same time, if a positive step is taken, it will empower all those across Syria who support democracy and freedom.

The delegation will convey the truth of the document to everyone

At its first meeting, the delegation decided that its duty would go beyond engaging in dialogue with the Syrian regime. While engaging in talks is one of its responsibilities, another equally important task is to represent the truth of the document approved at the conference and to ensure that this truth is understood by all. All sectors of society we are in contact with, individuals, institutions, the state, and most importantly, the Syrian population, must become familiar with the essence of this project. This includes Sunni and Alawite Arab communities, as well as Druze, Assyrian-Syriac-Chaldean, Armenian, Turkmen, and Circassian communities. Even Kurds living in areas that have not experienced the revolution must also be informed about the project’s truth. Kurds do not live only in Northern and Eastern Syria; they are also present in many parts of the country such as Hama, Homs, Latakia, and Damascus. For this reason, it is crucial that our delegation is able to represent and uphold this reality.

Has a date been set for the meeting with Damascus, and what topics do you plan to discuss?

A few days ago, a delegation representing all components of the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria, Kurdish, Arab, and Syriac, visited Damascus. Some dialogue and discussions were held there, and the delegation has now returned. We are currently in the Eid al-Adha period. After the holiday, developments in the ongoing contacts may bring more clarity.

It was noted during the discussions in Damascus that certain topics require specialized approaches. For example, military matters should be discussed by military experts and representatives. Issues concerning the Kurdish cause should be addressed by representatives from Kurdish political parties. Separate commissions will be formed for each area, including governance, economy, and others under the Autonomous Administration. Therefore, I believe that after the holiday, further contacts will lead to the clarification of the working agenda, plans, and overall roadmap. So far, a specific date for the next visit to Damascus has not been set or confirmed. However, we can say that from our side, we are prepared to fulfill our responsibilities as soon as the delegation is invited.

What is the delegation’s vision regarding the defense of the rights of other social, cultural, ethnic, and religious groups beyond the Kurds?

The document approved at the conference addresses this issue from two perspectives. First: what kind of Syria do we envision after the revolution and the fall of the Ba'ath regime? The Syria we are talking about is not a country inhabited only by Kurds. It is home to Druze, Alawites, Sunnis, Arabs, Kurds, Assyrian-Syriacs, Muslims, and Yazidis (Êzîdîs), in short, a colorful and diverse social fabric. Therefore, the Syria we aspire to build must be a democratic one for all these communities. In reality, many still view our project solely through the lens of how the Kurdish question will be resolved. But they forget one crucial truth: the Kurdish question cannot be resolved in isolation. Without a democratic system around us and without addressing the problems of the other communities of Syria, a true solution to the Kurdish issue will not be possible.

Democratic and decentralized

In order to resolve the Kurdish question, the problems of all of Syria must be addressed together. One cannot speak of democracy, freedom, equality, and justice while attempting to solve the Kurdish issue in Northern and Eastern Syria, yet allowing the Druze in Suwayda, the Alawites along the coast, or Sunni opposition figures and democratic voices to remain under oppression. That is not possible, it will not work. This is why we insist that Syria must be rebuilt as a democratic and decentralized country. We must learn from the experiences of past decades.

What experiences are you referring to?

Since 1963 and even before that, Syria has failed to uphold or develop its own democratic culture, because it was built on a centralized structure. This is where the root of the problem lies. The country was constructed as a nation-state, and its system was highly centralized. Now we have carried out a revolution, and we demand democracy. It is impossible to reach different outcomes using the same old tools. In the past, those tools were centralism and the nation-state. So how can one hope for a different result by continuing to use them? Changing the person in power is not enough, if the tool remains the same, the outcome will not change. That is why the nation-state model, and most importantly, centralism, must not be repeated.

We cannot choose a flawed system

The countries most plagued by problems, by backwardness, poverty, chaos, and conflict, are those governed by centralized states. On the other hand, the countries said to be the most developed, where society lives in prosperity, where people live in freedom and enjoy democratic conditions, are all governed by decentralized systems. They may be referred to by different names, but they share this common feature: decentralization. This is why we envision such a system for Syria. Why should we choose the system of countries drowning in crisis, poverty, conflict, and war? Why should we not dream of Syria becoming beautiful like those other nations? Must we always remain as we were in the past? Should we stay frozen in time, the same as we were 100 years ago? No! Since 2011, our people have been living in a state of revolution. There has been mass displacement. People have lost their lives, been wounded, had their homes destroyed. Even now, many are still living in camps under the harshest conditions. If not now, when will we make a change? The centralized system that was in place for decades brought only war, conflict, and devastation. This time, let us build a decentralized system.

Not only for the Kurds, but for all of Syria

Advocating for a decentralized system is not a demand made solely on behalf of the Kurds. Yet some interpret this position as if the Kurds want to separate from Syria. That is not the case, we want this system for the entire country. A democratic structure must be established. Kurds are among the peoples who live in Syria and have their own distinct identity. In any future democratic system, the Kurdish language should be recognized as an official language. Kurdish culture must be revived, and all bans imposed on it should be lifted. As a Kurd, I must be able to feel that I belong to this country. This is my country, and I am part of it. Until now, the policies of the Ba'ath regime have left us feeling alienated. But today, we are offering a genuine project for belonging and transformation.

The most suitable project for Syria

Our intention in going to Damascus under this project is not merely to demand something for ourselves. We aim to explain to those in Damascus what kind of Syria should emerge after the revolution. We want to present how the country’s problems can be resolved. One of these problems directly concerns us, but that does not mean we are ignoring the issues faced by Alawites, Druze, Assyrians, or other communities. This project addresses all of them. It is an inclusive approach and it is the most suitable project for Syria.

We will live in accordance with our reality

The thousands of years of Syrian history clearly reveal this truth. Syria has long been called the “cradle of civilization,” and for good reason. To be the cradle of civilization means that diverse communities have lived together here for millennia, it means that civilization itself took shape on this land. So why should we live in a way that does not reflect our reality? We must be able to fully express our political, social, organizational, intellectual, and ideological influence and strength. Only then can we build a democratic Syria together.