Germany went to the polls on 23 February. The Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and its Bavarian counterpart, the Christian Social Union (CSU), collectively known as the Union, secured 28.52% of the votes. The far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) received 20.80%, the Social Democratic Party (SPD) garnered 16.41%, the Greens obtained 11.61%, and The Left (Die Linke) secured 8.77%. Meanwhile, the Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW), which split from Die Linke, achieved 4.97%, while the Free Democratic Party (FDP), a former coalition partner of the current government, failed to surpass the 5% threshold, receiving only 4.33% of the vote.

Rosa Luxemburg Foundation Hessen representative and researcher Murat Çakır shared his analysis of the election results with our agency.

You closely followed the German elections. How should we interpret the results of the 23 February elections?

The German bourgeoisie got what it wanted; the racist and fascist AfD fulfilled its role. In this sense, we are about to witness a more militarized and aggressive Germany in the coming period. Pressure on migrants will increase, more money will be allocated to armament, significant cuts will be made to social expenditures, and existing social divisions will deepen.

However, it is also important to note that an anti-fascist movement is emerging. It has not yet fully taken shape, but one key fact remains: 80% of bourgeois society rejected the extreme right and the racist, fascist AfD. I think this is significant and should not be overlooked. Nevertheless, we will be confronted with an extremely right-wing migration policy, particularly concerning refugees.

Germany is heading into yet another crisis. Given the increasing military expenditures, especially in the context of the war in Ukraine, and the pressure from the United States, Germany will likely have to allocate more funds to NATO and the European Union (EU). This will only be possible by reducing social spending and cutting social policies. One thing is clear: there will be immense pressure on wages. In fact, the AfD does not even need to come to power for its ideas to be implemented; its ideology is already prevailing. This is my assessment in brief.

How do you think these election results will affect Turkey-Germany relations, particularly in the context of the Kurdish issue or the future of Rojava?

 The impact will be negative. As always, Germany needs a strong NATO ally in the region to protect its own interests, and that ally is Turkey. Germany has a 150-year tradition of supporting Turkey’s regional dominance. I believe that pressure on Rojava will also increase. In this context, we can expect Germany to intensify its criminalization policies against Kurdish institutions in both Germany and Europe.

Lastly, Die Linke saw a significant increase in its vote share. Earlier polls and past elections had painted a negative picture for the party. How do you interpret this shift?

Die Linke has undergone a renewal. With Sahra Wagenknecht’s departure, the party has become an alternative for young people, particularly those with liberal leftist views and those strongly opposing the racist, fascist AfD. At the same time, the scandalous vote in the federal parliament, in which the CDU collaborated with AfD, contributed to the normalization of AfD. This triggered a major backlash, especially among young people. It is striking that within a very short time, 20,000 to 30,000 young people joined Die Linke.

Additionally, a recent survey among those under 25 showed that 27% of young voters leaned towards the Die Linke, while 24% supported AfD. This indicates that the Die Linke is now the leading party among the youth. However, looking at its future direction, I believe the party is shifting towards becoming a left-wing party aligned with NATO or simply a pro-NATO party.

I hope the Peace Movement will increase its pressure in this regard. If the Peace Movement does not grow and attract more young people, it will be difficult for Germany to develop a strong opposition against both the far right and militarism, as well as imperialist expansionism.