The protests that began with the arrest of Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality (IBB) Mayor Ekrem Imamoğlu quickly gained momentum, largely due to the strong presence of young people in the streets. Actions initiated by university students rapidly spread to many parts of Turkey, particularly in Istanbul, and were not limited to the university youth alone. For the first time in years, the youth movement took to the streets in such large numbers, and the focus of the protests went far beyond the detention and arrest of Imamoğlu. This dynamic paved the way for socialist movements in Turkey to come together around a united struggle.

Şevval Uzun, a member of the Youth Assembly of the Peoples’ Democratic Congress (HDK), spoke to ANF about why young people embraced these protests with such strength.

Uzun said that the growing sense of frustration and uncertainty among young people in social life has contributed to the rise in participation in the protests. She explained: "The fact that young people took to the streets and reacted strongly following the detention and arrest of Ekrem Imamoğlu can be explained by the convergence of multiple social, political, and emotional factors. The frustration and uncertainty present in all areas of social life has already deeply affected young people. With this arrest and the blatant usurpation of democratic will, it was as if a spark was thrown into a fire that was already burning. We can say that a youth with nothing left to lose felt it had to take a stand. Some of the key motivations can be summarized as follows: a deep commitment to defending democracy and political will."

Uzun added: "In cities where Kurds live in large numbers, the policies of appointed trustees and violent repression were long tolerated or legitimized by those in the western parts of the country. But the detention and arrest of Imamoğlu were perceived as a direct attack on an elected leader chosen by the people's vote. The government’s extension of the same authoritarian policies not only in Kurdistan but now against all opposition forces has strengthened the youth’s perception that democratic will is under siege.

Imamoğlu’s electoral victories against the ruling bloc in the local elections of 2019 and 2024 had already turned him into a symbol of hope and change for many young people. His removal through judicial means only deepened the sense of injustice and further reinforced the perception of authoritarianism."

Uzun underlined that “another important factor is the fear of the future and the ongoing economic crisis. Issues such as economic uncertainty, unemployment, and lack of equal opportunities have become part of everyday life. The youths who filled the streets did so not only to support Imamoğlu, but also to defend their own futures. Their anger toward the one-man regime must also be seen in this context. For years, intensifying repression, restrictions on freedom of expression, censorship of social media, and many other policies have pushed this anger to its limits."

Protests spread from university campuses to the streets

Şevval Uzun pointed out the significant role of social media in the rapid spread of protests among young people and said: "Despite the government's attempts to censor the media, videos and reports of what happened in the streets, including torture, harassment, insults and more, reached everyone through platforms like Twitter (X), Instagram, TikTok and others. Rather than causing fear or anxiety, these experiences further fueled the existing anger. This contributed to the movement growing wave after wave. The powerful resistance shown by the youth can be understood not merely as a reaction to the arrest of Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality Mayor Ekrem Imamoğlu, but as an outpouring of long-accumulated frustration, a yearning for justice and a desire for change after 23 years of rule by the Justice and Development Party (AKP)."

She added: "These actions, which spread from university campuses to the streets, show that young people are continuing to resist, not only instinctively, but in an organized and determined way. It was the presence of the AKP that brought people with different ideas together around a common purpose. The youth movement, having understood the necessity of unity against the government, knew that the path to a solution required advancing the struggle. As a result, despite differing perspectives, young people came together in this political context to carry out a joint struggle. This collective resistance turned differences into strength, reinforced a sense of unity among the youth, and made the movement more inclusive. That inclusivity played a critical role in the mass character of the protests."

She continued: "Historically, fascist-minded forces have always tried to provoke and divide such unity in every space they occupy. But this time, the process left no room for such provocations. As the field of struggle shifts from the streets back to the universities, we are witnessing an effort to build a more democratic and revolutionary practice of resistance. When we look at all that has happened, it is clear that this joint struggle allowed the protests to evolve from being scattered and spontaneous into a more organized form, leading to the clarification of key demands.

For example, demands such as the release of Ekrem Imamoğlu, freedom for those arrested during the protests and the protection of democratic rights have shaped new tactics, including street demonstrations, boycotts on campuses and public statements. This collective effort has allowed the movement to transcend a simple outburst of anger and transform into a conscious political stance."

Enthusiasm of protests transformed into organized resistance

Uzun said that the government targeted the leaders of the youth movement in an attempt to force a retreat. While signs of discouragement may be emerging in society, she emphasized that this does not apply to the youth.

She insisted: "The government attempted to create a sense of hesitation and retreat by targeting the leaders of the youth movement. Through police operations, nearly 2,000 people were detained and 300 were arrested. Fear and uncertainty were deliberately spread among young people. However, the outcome was the opposite of what the government had hoped for. Every raid, detention and arrest further fueled the existing anger.

At the same time, increased censorship on social media, the suspension of more than 700 accounts and the mainstream media’s complete silence narrowed the channels through which young people could express themselves. This led some young people to develop a sense of hopelessness, a belief that 'no matter what we do, nothing will change."

Uzun added that "it would be wrong to say that this feeling of despair has taken hold of all young people. The initial excitement of the first weeks of protest has evolved into a more cautious but determined form of resistance. Even the government’s decision to extend the public holiday in an effort to weaken participation did not succeed. On the contrary, the youth responded by diversifying their actions and maintaining momentum, determined to prove that repression could not silence them."

She continued: "On 2 April, a consumption boycott was launched with broad participation, aimed at creating economic pressure. Protests will continue in the streets. Organizing efforts and boycotts have also spread into universities. The goal is to move beyond scattered and spontaneous actions and instead build sustained momentum through coordinated demands and collective participation.

While preventing the movement from fragmenting, efforts are also being made to shape a long-term strategy. The youth aim to expand the inclusivity of the movement by forming alliances with other segments of society, including workers, women and laborers. This already diverse social base is working to turn its diversity into a strength, to prevent the isolation of the youth and to form a broader, more resilient front against repression."