Mustafa Karasu, member of the KCK Executive Council, spoke on the rumors about a solution process in Turkey, and contextualized the meeting with the Kurdish people's leader Abdullah Öcalan, as well as the action against the TAI in Ankara.
Over the last few weeks, a certain discourse has developed about the Kurdish question and possible solution processes in Turkey. Also, for the first time in many months, a meeting took place again with the Kurdish people's leader, Abdullah Öcalan. How are these developments to be understood? How do they relate to each other? And what action needs to be taken?
After four years of total isolation, there was again a meeting with Rêber Apo [Abdullah Öcalan]. And Rêber Apo conveyed his greetings to everyone. We also send our greetings with longing, love, and respect. Receiving greetings from Rêber Apo was a morale boost for us and for all our people. It has been very difficult not to hear from him or get any news about him for four years. In this respect, hearing that the meeting took place was important news for us.
Devlet Bahçeli shook hands with the MPs of the DEM Party on 1 October and made statements talking about making peace 'outside and inside.' The meeting with Rêber Apo took place during such developments, and of course it was evaluated and interpreted in many different ways. Of course, such evaluations and interpretations can come to mind in the context of Devlet Bahçeli’s call to Rêber Apo and Erdoğan’s support for this call. For those who are not aware of the truth, for those who do not see what is going on, such evaluations are understandable. However, one must point out that the meeting with Rêber Apo is not directly related to Devlet Bahçeli’s statements and the subsequent discussions.
For years there has been a great struggle for the lifting of the isolation imposed on Rêber Apo and for his physical freedom. For four years there has been no meeting and no information. It is the struggle of our people, the struggle of our people in Europe, and the struggle of our international friends that is really challenging the Turkish State. There is pressure on the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) and on the Council of Ministers (CM) of the Council of Europe (CoE), which has led to the fact that more pressure is being put on Turkey. Turkey was faced with difficulties in continuing its isolation. After four years, the pressure and problems have increased to such an extent that such discussions are taking place. It is clear from Devlet Bahceli’s speeches that the Turkish state was in such an obsessive situation that they had to agree to a meeting with Rêber Apo in order to free themselves from the pressure. Especially in view of the current situation, he wanted to play with people’s feelings and perceptions.
The struggle against isolation, which has been going on for many years, and the struggle for the physical freedom of Rêber Apo is what led to this meeting. Since the State and the Republic were having such a very difficult time, they wanted to get rid of the pressure by having this meeting. They arranged this meeting to create some confusion in this period, to create a perception as if there was a softening, as if there could be a different approach to the Kurdish question.
Many people outside of us started to think about a solution process; they thought and discussed it. But let me emphasize that this meeting with Rêber Apo has absolutely nothing to do with these recent discussions. As I mentioned, it is one meeting that emerged as a result of a four-year struggle.
Rêber Apo did not say the isolation was lifted. If there would be a change in the state's approach towards the Kurdish question, the isolation would be lifted. The isolation should be lifted, but it continues. Shortly after the meeting, Rêber Apo was given a disciplinary punishment. The fact that this meeting took place should not be interpreted differently; it should not be thought to have arisen for different reasons; it should be seen as what it is, the result of years of struggle, and the struggle should be continued with the awareness that isolation still continues. The struggle and resistance should definitely not be loosened. Because the meeting with Rêber Apo was not only a morale booster for the people, but also the reflection of the few sentences of Rêber Apo’s thoughts was important in many respects, namely in terms of giving direction, gaining understanding, and giving a message about how events and facts are approached. The struggle against isolation must continue.
My comrades have already evaluated and put forward this in a comprehensive manner. Rêber Apo himself said 'isolation continues'. This means that we will continue the struggle. This meeting was achieved through struggle, and the struggle must continue. Rêber Apo emphasized that this should not lead to any laxity. There are perceptions created by the special war in society and individuals. Misunderstandings arise as a result of the campaigns carried out by the special war forces. Especially today, where there are dozens of televisions and other tools and means in service of the special war of the state, perceptions can be distorted. Under no circumstances should one fall for them. Our people are aware of this and tell themselves everywhere that the isolation continues. Everywhere in northern Kurdistan and elsewhere it is said that the isolation continues and that the struggle will continue. This is positive.
There will soon be a big rally in Cologne, on 16 November. There the struggle against isolation will be put forward. In the second year of the global campaign for the physical freedom of Rêber Apo, initiated by our international friends, a new rally is being organized. A very strong participation is needed there.
No struggle is in vain. One must never forget that only through struggle can achievements be created. Also, one should not forget that the Kurds are a people under genocide. The leader of the Kurdish people is also under genocidal pressure. The policy applied to Rêber Apo is a policy of genocide. Destroying the leader of a people, destroying its consciousness, destroying its direction, is also destroying all the values of that people. Because for every people, for every society, leaders are the sum of values. They are the most important representation of their values. Destroying him means destroying and attacking all values. Our people must embrace Rêber Apo with this awareness. We are convinced that through the struggle, Rêber Apo will be liberated.
Yes, the struggle is difficult. It is being waged with great difficulty. The struggle in every field is carried out under difficult conditions. But this struggle carried out under difficult conditions will surely succeed. The difficulties show the importance of the struggle and how hard the enemy’s reality is. Without a strong struggle against such a reality, without fighting no matter what the conditions are, there would be no results. To expect success easily, to expect that results will be achieved easily, is to not recognize the genocidal colonialist reality, to not understand the Kurdish reality, the reality of Kurdistan, and its position in the Middle East. In this respect, everyone should struggle, no matter what the difficulties are, and succeed. They should not see the difficulties as an obstacle. Difficulties are a reason to struggle in the Kurdish reality, in the reality of the Kurdish people’s struggle for freedom. It is not another factor.
How did this change in approach come about all of a sudden?
This is something that needs to be well understood. Probably no one deals with the Kurdish question and the war against the Kurdish people as intensively as we do through our responsible struggle against it. For 50 years we have been waging this struggle. We know genocidal colonialism. We know what kind of struggle these 50 years have been. In this respect, when evaluating Devlet Bahçeli’s and Erdoğan’s speeches, it is necessary to consider them within the totality of this struggle. It is necessary to consider it within the totality of the war being waged against us, against the Kurdish people.
In this respect, of course, with all due respect, we have more advantages than anyone else in terms of understanding such discourses and knowing what they are. Because we are constantly struggling, we are at war. We almost think and calculate their daily thoughts and what their daily moves will be. We are in a position to understand why Devlet Bahçeli or Erdoğan would resort to such a discourse, since we know in which political environment, under which conditions we are struggling, what the situation of the genocidal colonialist front is, what the situation of the Middle East is, what the situation of our struggle is, and all the conditions.
So what happened? Why does Devlet Bahçeli, who until yesterday used genocidal rhetoric and poisonous language and completely denied the Kurdish existence, attack not only the DEM Party but all Kurds, all those who carry out the struggle of the Kurdish people, all kinds of attacks and blasphemies, say, 'Let’s make peace'? There must be a reason for this. In this respect, of course, various reasons are being discussed. The AKP-MHP government is facing difficulties outside and is also facing difficulties inside. This is a fact. But it is wrong to draw a conclusion like this. ‘They want to get out of this difficulty by solving the Kurdish question’.
It is wrong to think like that. Yes, they are having difficulties outside; they are having difficulties inside, but there is a war of genocide they are waging against the Kurds. In the process of being under massive pressure, they want to bring the war they are waging against the Kurds to a conclusion. It is necessary to be aware of this. They didn’t change their mentality regarding the Kurdish question. They do not have a democratic mentality or interest in solving the Kurdish question. A democratic mentality is necessary to solve it. It is necessary to adopt a mentality that accepts the existence of the Kurdish people, their identity, and their culture. There is no such thing in the current government, especially not in the MHP, not in Devlet Bahceli. In this respect, one must carefully evaluate why this step was taken.
The difficulties in the region, the war being waged by Israel, them saying that Israel would attack Turkey – there is a great war going on in the Middle East. A war is being waged that has the effect of shaking the Middle East balance. This goes hand in hand with Turkey’s geopolitical power and influence being gradually diminishing. For 150 years, Turkey’s geopolitical position, which it has used, marketed, and which was its most important political power, is no longer in its former strength, no longer in its former influence. We cannot say that it has completely disappeared. But it is no longer in a position to make itself a hegemonic power, to use it as blackmail, to use it as a bargaining chip. The development of relations between Israel and the Arabs and the search for different energy routes reveal this. These are, of course, worrisome for Turkey.
The AKP-MHP government has brought Turkey to this point as a result of its own policies. Now it wants to take all opposition forces behind it and maintain its own position. It wants to make itself a power in this complex geography. But it is its policies that have brought Turkey to this point. It is the AKP-MHP government that has caused Turkey to have problems both in regional politics and at home.
Now there was the speech by Devlet Bahçeli, and Erdoğan supported it. It cannot be said that there is a problem between Erdoğan and Devlet Bahçeli. It is not right to think that they are involved in just a simple tactical relationship on such an important issue or that they would engage in such things without each other’s knowledge. They talked beforehand, and afterward Devlet Bahçeli took such a step. Otherwise, even to think that Devlet Bahçeli has surpassed the AKP on the Kurdish issue, that he has come to a more reasonable point, is to not know the reality of the MHP, to not know the reality of the Turkish state.
Gradually, this is now being accepted. Ahmet Turk also said in his speech, 'Such things are being said. When these things are not accepted because there is nothing, then they will come at us with more violence. There is such a game.' Yes, there is such a game. This game is mainly played on the DEM Party. They will say, 'We gave you the space to do politics; we approached you softly; you didn’t respond to that,' and then they will come at them with violence and repression. We don’t need to evaluate this. Devlet Bahceli, Mehmet Ucun, and Erdoğan all pointed this out clearly by themselves. There is no need to complicate this so much, no need to evaluate what it is and what it is not. One could interpret Mehmet Ucun’s sentences one by one. What does he mean? Devlet Bahçeli said, 'Either you accept or you will be punched.' Accept what? 'You will give up your Kurdishness. You will give up the Kurdish cause. You will not talk about Kurdishness, freedom, or democracy. Be a politician, be an MP, be a mayor, but don’t deal with such things. Don’t talk about the Kurdish people’s struggle for freedom and democracy.' If you do follow their lead, you are allowed to be a mayor or an MP. You can do politics. This is what is being said.
Freedom and democracy mean fighting against this state, against this government. It means taking a stance against the policies of this government.
To look for something in this is only to reveal their desire. I wish something good would happen. Yes, everyone wants something good to happen. The Kurdish people want steps to be taken; they want the situation to be solved. No one wants this more than us. Probably no one wants it more than us. It is not even understandable to make sense of Devlet Bahceli’s call. Yes, he shook hands with the MPs. He spoke about peace outside and peace inside. Then Devlet Bahçeli called Rêber Apo to the parliament. What did he say? Come and disband your organization. What do you mean, disband his organization? The political will of a people, the power of thought. For 50 years, it has been struggling for this. It has tens of thousands of martyrs. He says come and disband it. Surrender. That’s what it means. Only this, yes.
Devlet Bahceli took Rêber Apo as an interlocutor. It is understood; everyone understands that the addressee of this issue is Rêber Apo. That is why he is calling there. If they want to solve the Kurdish question, Rêber Apo is ready to do it. It has become clear once again that Rêber Apo is the interlocutor. On the other hand, Bahceli also said that there is isolation. So they also admitted that there is isolation.
Another point that needs to be made clear. There is a rumor going around that Rêber Apo spoke to Qandil on the phone. This is made up and does not correspond to reality. So far, there has been no contact of this kind. There is no such thing. We follow the developments on TV like everyone else. We follow it in the press. There was no contact, and there is no process. They can always meet with Rêber Apo. The Turkish intelligence service can always go and meet with Rêber Apo. There have been many meetings with him in the past in Imrali. But we understand from what Omer Ocalan told us, and also from Tuncer Bakirhan’s statements later on, that Rêber Apo also pointed out that currently there are no talks, there is no solution process. The meeting that took place should not be interpreted in a different way. The meeting was the result of years of struggle.
This period needs to be approached carefully and correctly. There are many traps and games. The AKP-MHP government is a special war government. Every day they make up new games, trying to deceive the people. Erdoğan is a demagogue. So is Devlet Bahceli. Fascism means demagoguery. It means distorting the facts. The MHP’s discourse on this issue has been known for a long time. They say that Kurds are their brothers and speak about the Turkish-Kurdish brotherhood. Turkish and Kurdish people are brothers. It is the state policy that pits the Turkish and Kurdish people against each other; it is this government. It is the policy of this government. Now these demagogues are talking about brotherhood. All these speeches and discussions need to be addressed properly. No one should have any hope that anything will come of them.
Of course, a solution is desirable. The people want it, we want it, the democratic political movement wants it, and our international friends want it. The people of Turkey also want it. Because this problem needs to be solved in order for Turkey to get out of crises and problems. But there is no intention or desire for such a solution on the side of the state. On the contrary, they want to deepen the policy that has been in place for years even further.
In particular, the members of the DEM Party and the public need to be aware of what kind of game is being played on them. They must stand firm and struggle against this policy. There is no other way but to fight against this policy. We will not surrender, since we will not give up our Kurdish identity, since we will not give up the cause of freedom and democracy of the peoples, of the Kurdish people. Their policy needs to be well understood and accordingly struggled against.
In this context in particular, we would like to talk about the action that took place a few weeks ago against TAI, the military center in Ankara. What can you tell us about it?
I commemorate those who carried out the action against the TAI in Ankara respectfully and gratefully. They revealed what Kurdish identity, culture, and conviction are. They have shown the essence of Kurdishness, of Kurdish feelings and awareness, and the Kurdish stance in the fight against the genocide against the Kurds.
They have shown a stance against the genocide of the Kurds. They made a sacrifice against this comprehensive pressure. They internalized this because they were aware that the Kurds were being exterminated, because they were aware that the Kurdish existence was under threat. That is why they decided to stand up for the protection of existence, freedom and democracy. This is how this action is to be understood. This is the message that must be read from this attitude from this action.
Why such sacrifice? Why such a sacrifice of one’s own young life? These are questions that every Kurd has to answer for himself. As I said, there is currently no process. I repeat it again; there are some who complain that this action took place during these discussions, but the action has no connection to the current discussions. The action was the result of long-term work. It is not something that is prepared and carried out within one or two days, one or two months. It is the result of months of preparation.
On the other hand, the war continues. If there was a process, if there was no war like in 2009-2010, then it would be different. But the enemy carries out any kind of attack with the intention of annihilation. The action is the response to that. It is the response to the genocidal attack. It has nothing to do with what Devlet Bahceli said on October 1 and the discussions that followed. It is an action against the genocidal policy against the Kurds, against the policy from which this Turkish state emerged. Now the war continues, and this was an action against a center that produces weapons that are used against the Kurdish people. UCAV’s, like the Aksungur, are produced there. What are they used for? They are used to kill civilians everywhere. In Rojava, South Kurdistan, and everywhere else, they are used to kill civilians, reporters, intellectuals, politicians, etc. TAI is a center of war. There is currently a war between the Turkish state and the freedom movement. So the target is legitimate. It is a war factory that produces weapons and is therefore a legitimate target. The people who work there are soldiers. What they produce are weapons.
Therefore, it was an important action. It shook them. Because they kept saying that they knew everything and would be in control of everything. They were saying we know how they breathe and even what number of shoes they are wearing. The action was the biggest answer to that. There is no obstacle that a sacrificial guerrilla cannot overcome. The guerrillas always carry out actions. There are hundreds of thousands of such young comrades. It is the Turkish state policy that has made these young people like this. It is their policy of genocide. Of course, young people, militants who feel great hate towards this genocide policy, emerge. They have emerged before, and they will also emerge in the future.
Asya Ali’s biggest anger was that she could not properly speak her own language. She said, “Teach my nephews their language, teach them their culture.” She was aware of the ongoing attack on these values growing up in Izmir. I wonder how many Kurdish youths in Izmir know their own language. There is a genocide.
A member of the ‘Battalion of the Immortals’ once said, 'There is only Sirnak and Colemerg (Hakkari) left. If it continues like this after 20 years, even they will forget their language and culture, and then the Kurdish question will be over.' That is their policy. In this face, what are the Kurdish youths and those sacrificial people expected to do? Of course, they will find an answer to this policy. They have written beautiful letters. They really impress. It is obvious that they really managed to put their feelings on paper. In fact, those messages should be the feelings of all Kurdish youth, the message of all Kurdish youth. They should feel the same way. They should try to reach that level. Everyone should try to reach that level.
Yes, they gave impressive messages. A message to their families, a message to the Kurdish people. At the same time, they called for popular resistance should be put forward against the trustees. They called on their families, their comrades; on everyone. This call also expresses that this genocidal colonialism cannot be fought against with an ordinary struggle, with an ordinary patriotism. The Kurds cannot get rid of genocide like this. They gave this message clearly and revealed to everyone the necessary level of struggle against this Turkish state, against this genocidal colonialism. Everyone should measure themselves against the standard they have set through their attitude. We should all ask ourselves where we stand. We are in their debt. When they went into martyrdom, they said that they were still in our debt, but we are the ones who are really in their debt.