The historic call for 'Peace and a Democratic Society' by Abdullah Öcalan, announced by the Imrali Delegation on 27 February, continues to receive reactions not only in Turkey and Kurdistan but also on an international level.

What is the meaning behind Mr. Öcalan’s historic call? What were the conditions that led to the emergence of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), and why is the PKK now undergoing a transformation? As a new world order takes shape, what stance is Öcalan adopting? Does this call signify an abandonment of his paradigm, or is it a continuation of it? What responsibilities does the Turkish state bear to ensure the success of this process?

ANF discussed all these issues with Nils Andersson, one of France’s leading thinkers, a theorist, editor, and writer, who has been closely following Mr. Öcalan for many years.

Here is the first part of the interview.

As part of the ongoing discussions on the democratic resolution of the Kurdish question in Turkey, Kurdish People's Leader Abdullah Öcalan issued a historic declaration titled "Peace and a Democratic Society" on 27 February. In this declaration, he called on the PKK to support change and transformation. How do you interpret Öcalan’s call? Under what historical conditions did the PKK emerge, and why is a transformation being proposed today?

What stands out most to me in Öcalan’s statement is how deeply intertwined this call is within a historical context. It is closely connected to both the long history of the region and that of the Kurdish people. Moreover, it aligns with the themes frequently referenced in Öcalan’s writings. We cannot overlook the historical trajectory of Mesopotamia, the expansion of Russian influence, or how the civilizations of this region later shaped Greco-Roman civilization. These elements remain embedded in Öcalan’s ideological foundations and political stance. As a brief reminder, Öcalan’s thoughts are rooted in the distinct historical phases of both the 20th and 21st centuries.

The PKK, founded by Öcalan, emerged in 1978 during what was known as the ‘storm zone,’ an era of decolonization. At that time, the PKK became logically integrated into the broader landscape of armed struggles waged by peoples seeking liberation from colonial rule or oppressive regimes. In other words, the PKK’s emergence was entirely in sync with the historical flow of that period.

However, in the years that followed, this turbulent era saw the suppression of many liberation movements due to mounting international pressures and the deterioration of these struggles through neocolonial corruption in many countries. Additionally, the 1990s brought the collapse and dissolution of the Soviet Union. In his statement, Öcalan specifically refers to the decline of socialism in the 1990s as a significant development. This effectively created a new reality: the PKK no longer exists in the ‘storm zone’ in which it was originally founded. Instead, it now faces a world far less conducive to its struggle, presenting an entirely different set of challenges.

Öcalan is writing history

This also explains, in a logical manner, the call for a ceasefire—similar to the one in 2013—and the search for new pathways for the peoples within Turkey. In my view, whether it was during the founding of the PKK, the pursuit of a resolution in 2013, or today, Öcalan has never been merely subject to history; rather, he has actively shaped it. He is writing and forging the history of the Kurdish people. What we are witnessing today is exactly that.

So, what will be the consequences of Öcalan’s decision? Many questions arise here, given the extreme instability and volatility of the current global and international landscape. There is the issue of the Turkish state, the problems created by Erdoğan, as well as the ongoing developments and uncertainties in the region, particularly in Syria.

The entire Middle East remains in a state of deep instability following the imperialist wars waged in Iraq and Libya. At this juncture, crucial questions must be asked: How can democracy progress in such an environment? Can the peoples of the region, who have coexisted and interacted throughout history, now build a shared democratic future? Öcalan, too, is seeking answers to these questions and is striving to lay the groundwork for a new path forward.

Do you believe that Öcalan’s historic call is a continuation of the ideas he has defended up until now?

Yes. This call is entirely in line with Öcalan’s ideological position. Of course, his ideological stance evolves within the historical process of thought and adapts to changing circumstances and unfolding events. As I mentioned earlier, the ‘storm zones,’ the colonial era, the transformation of the world following the collapse of the Soviet Union, and now the seismic shifts caused by decisions made by Trump and the United States are all contributing to the formation of a completely new world, not just in the Middle East, but globally.

Fundamentally, I believe that the fall of the Berlin Wall and the dissolution of the Soviet Union marked a major turning point. However, what we are experiencing today is an even greater shift. For the first time in modern history, over the past five centuries, the Global South, composed of formerly colonized and oppressed peoples, now holds a more favorable position in the global balance of power than ever before. In my opinion, this represents an even more significant transformation than the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the decline of communism. Because, for the first time, it signifies the emergence of a power dynamic where the West is no longer the sole hegemonic power.

This reality creates new conditions for all nations and all peoples. And I believe that Öcalan, within the framework of his ideology and vision, is actively analyzing and seeking solutions to the challenges posed by this evolving global order.

You have closely followed and worked on Öcalan’s paradigm, particularly his theory of democratic confederalism. Considering his latest call, can we say that Öcalan continues to uphold this paradigm?

Yes. After all, democracy means the power of the people. What Öcalan and all of us are seeking today is democracy, a truly democratic society. There are many forms of democracy, though not all of them are genuinely democratic. However, democracy ultimately means empowering the people. In my view, this is precisely what is happening in Rojava. The same approach is also applicable to the Kurdish people in Turkey, and it is at the core of Öcalan’s vision. Above all, he aims to expand democracy for the Kurdish people in Turkey, just as it has been built in Rojava, while also making coexistence with other peoples possible. Because democracy is not only about internal matters but also about relationships with others. I believe Öcalan is striving to build this path, though it will undoubtedly be a complex and long process.

This is how I interpret Öcalan’s call. We are at a historic moment where the voices of the people must be raised once again. Whether it is the voice of Trump in the United States or Erdoğan in Turkey, the louder and more ruthless the imperialist voices become, the stronger the voice of the people, democracy, and the power of the people must be heard.

I see and understand Öcalan’s call within this framework. It is as challenging a path as the social model he envisions for Rojava. Human relations, by nature, are complex and require constant understanding. Just as revolutions are made by people, counter-revolutions are also driven by people. And I believe this is something deeply embedded in Öcalan’s thinking, a concept he reflects in his call and continues to develop.

Who is Nils Andersson?

Frédy-Nils Andersson, commonly known as Nils Andersson, is a 91-year-old Swiss-French theorist, editor, and writer of Swedish origin. He is widely recognized for his anti-colonial stance and advocacy for peace. In 1966, he was expelled from Switzerland due to his publications supporting Algeria’s independence struggle and Vietnamese fighters, as well as his works that included the ideas of Mao Zedong. Following his expulsion, Andersson settled in France, where he continued his academic and political work. As an author of numerous books, he has remained a significant intellectual and political figure, particularly for his strong anti-colonial position and unwavering support for liberation movements worldwide. Nils Andersson has also studied and written extensively on Abdullah Öcalan’s ideas. He contributed to the French edition of Öcalan’s 'Manifesto of Democratic Civilization', writing the preface for the publication.