Protests continue following the arrest of Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality Mayor Ekrem Imamoglu and 11 others by the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP). Although the government has responded to the protests with detentions, arrests, and investigations, it has failed to suppress the demonstrations.

The long-standing debate around joint struggle has been reignited following public outrage over the government's actions and the broader political system.

Hakan Öztürk, Chairperson of the Labourist Movement Party (EHP), spoke to ANF about the ongoing discussions on collective resistance.

We have reached a critical threshold with the operations targeting the CHP and Imamoglu

Hakan Öztürk warned that the process could eventually lead to a political ban on Ekrem Imamoglu. Drawing attention to the significance of the current moment, he said: “We have reached a critical threshold with the operations targeting the Republican People’s Party (CHP) and Ekrem Imamoglu. This was an attempt to turn the right to vote and to be elected into a mere formality. The possibility of Imamoglu emerging as an electable presidential candidate against Tayyip Erdogan has led the AKP to shift its stance. There is now talk of annulling his university degree, appointing a trustee in his place, and imposing a political ban. This situation signals the destruction of the already limited level of democracy that still exists in Turkey. In response, it is only natural for the whole of society to react and begin working toward new forms of alliance.”

One pillar of joint struggle is the socialists and the Kurdish movement, the other is the CHP

Hakan Öztürk emphasized that one pillar of the joint struggle is the socialists and the Kurdish political movement, but the other is the CHP. Highlighting the importance of the Kurdish Freedom Movement in any unity discussion, he continued: “In this relationship, the cooperation between the socialists and the Kurdish political movement is as crucial as the connection with the CHP. The CHP now stands at the center of the ongoing assault on democracy. Its current position indicates that it will not retreat into the same passivity as it did in earlier periods. For instance, this was not the case during the days of the Gezi Resistance. The many shared experiences of struggle have created a collective foundation. Within these alliances, we must present a clear, focused, and up-to-date political program that addresses national issues. The method of this partnership must be rooted in a mass-based approach, implement democratic and egalitarian relations within the alliance, take into account the electoral agenda even outside of election periods, and recognize the central importance of the Kurdish Freedom Movement.

The program of unity must also include demands for fair wages, employment for all, social welfare, and free education in the economic sphere. Politically, it must defend the right to vote and to be elected against the authoritarian one-man regime of the AKP, support a resolution for the Kurdish people, and fight for gender equality. These goals, wages, jobs, welfare, and education, along with the right to vote and be elected, a democratic solution, and equality, form the backbone of this program.

In Turkey, the major political tendencies and alignments capable of building a lasting unity have long been evident. Trying to move forward by ignoring these differences or by treating all leftist forces as if they share the same orientation is not the right approach. There are various political divides, and this is natural, they must be acknowledged. There is also a tendency to build joint platforms with the Kurdish movement, as well as a tendency among others to fall short in this regard. Some prioritize the struggle over economic issues, while others do not.”

Young people are setting their sights on the whole country

Hakan Öztürk also touched upon the role of university students as the starting point of the protests, underlining that the annulment of Ekrem Imamoglu’s university diploma holds a particular significance for young people. He stated that this act symbolized the invalidation of the diplomas of all young people. Öztürk offered the following reflections:

“The government believed it could turn everyone into its supporter. What was the need for ego? Everyone could submit to the AKP, everyone could be subjugated. Resistance was seen as unnecessary. And if anyone dared to resist, their diplomas and years of hard work could be erased in every interview room. The annulment of Ekrem Imamoglu’s diploma was, in a way, the symbolic cancellation of all young people’s diplomas. His diploma was annulled as a warning to all.

Young people, whose hopes were shattered in those interview rooms, were sent back to their bedrooms. Then they were blamed for ‘not leaving their rooms.’ But where were they supposed to go? With what means? Were there still gyms? Were there any parks left in their cities? Did they still have money to eat fish sandwiches in Eminönü? Were they supposed to ask their parents, who stood in lines for meat, eggs, and bread, for pocket money?

They wanted young people to chase after cheap pleasures. It was considered perfectly normal for them to be drawn to powdered drugs. They could even search for a future in online betting. They could be recruited into the mafia gangs so openly rewarded by the state. All of these roads were wide open. But the youth broke out of the rooms you tried to lock them in. They refused to become captives of a darkened future. They took a break from social media and are now producing protest content for digital platforms. Since 1968, humanity has longed for the beauty and strength of youth. Now, humanity has been reunited with its youth.

It is not that ‘there’s no problem.’ On the contrary, there is a massive issue. They are not saying ‘we just want a plate of food’ and walking away with it. I don’t mean to bring bad news to those in power, but these young people have stopped using the word ‘just’, they are, in fact, setting their sights on the whole country.”

The Kurdish movement’s peace process will strengthen unity

Hakan Öztürk stated that it is possible for the Kurdish Freedom Movement and the revolutionary movement in Turkey to once again come together in shared arenas. He said, “Of course it is possible. The roots of the Kurdish movement also lie in the youth movement. The Kurdish people’s struggle has always upheld the values of fraternity among peoples, internationalism, and equality. We can clearly see that it will continue in this way. Considering past experiences, we must pay close attention to the new phase of the Kurdish question.

When the ceasefire breaks and peace ends, we enter a spiral of violence. Once death becomes part of the outcome, there is no turning back. That is why it is essential to give importance to this new phase. This does not distance the Kurdish Freedom Movement from other socialist movements. On the contrary, the Kurdish movement’s leadership and success in the peace process will strengthen the overall struggle and unity. The internationalist spirit within the socialist movement must at every stage seek alliance with the Kurdish people. This is what will make success possible.”

Öztürk concluded by emphasizing that perfect and complete unity should not be a prerequisite in joint efforts: “There have been experiences of unity in the past, and they can be sustained. In unity efforts, we never start from scratch; we always begin somewhere in the middle. At this point, there are political currents that know each other better and have come closer. If these forces take steps forward without disregarding the experiences already accumulated, meaningful outcomes will follow. There is no need to demand perfect unity. Those who agree the most must take immediate steps to build unity and they already are.”