In an extensive interview with Medya Haber, Duran Kalkan, member of the KCK Executive Council, assesses the tenth anniversary of the genocide of the Êzidis in Shengal and the fortieth anniversary of the beginning of the armed struggle for freedom.

We publish the first part of the interview below.

First of all, I would like to ask you about the positions of the different parties in relation to the ongoing isolation policy and the struggle against it; what is the approach of the systemic forces that maintain the isolation, and what is the approach of the democratic forces in contrast?

To begin, I salute the historic Imrali resistance and Rêber Apo [Leader Abdullah Öcalan] once more. The global freedom campaign aiming for his physical freedom continues with actions in the four parts of Kurdistan and all over the world. There are new developments and important actions being organized, while at the same time, constant actions continue. There are mass actions led by women and youth in Kurdistan and all over the world. While there is a higher intensity in some phases, a general increase in activity can be perceived. What is important and new, of course, is the international interest in and expansion of this struggle. Rêber Apo’s position, his situation, and his paradigm are spreading more. As this spreads, the Imrali system of torture and isolation, and thus the colonialist, genocidal mentality and system imposed on Kurdistan, is becoming more understood by many people. Many who learn about the situation are astonished; they take a clear stance and call on others to join them and take initiative in their own hands. This includes people from almost all walks of life. It started with labor unions, then artists, lawyers, and academics joined. Now Nobel Prize winners have taken an important initiative. All of these are very important and valuable. At the same time, legal initiatives have also developed further. We have repeatedly drawn attention to this development in our recent interviews.

The Turkish state now again sentenced Rêber Apo to a disciplinary punishment. The legal system is used to disguise the real problem. European law is procedural law. Cases are not heard based on the merits. In that respect, in our opinion, even if something is fabricated, if it is in accordance with the procedure, it will be accepted. Jurists know this better than us. As a matter of fact, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) could not enforce the decision it made ten years ago. For example, its content is not important, but this is a very serious procedural situation. All kinds of initiatives can be taken from here. In this context, legal initiatives have been effective. We have stated before that we are late, but also, although we are late, the initiatives that were developed using data and information were effective. This agenda went all the way to the United Nations (UN). Now, this isolation system is being discussed everywhere. Now, a lot of pressure is put on the system of torture, isolation, and genocide in Imrali and the forces that carry it out.

In this respect, I salute once again the struggle that is developing and all those who are participating in it. They are waging a very crucial struggle that is quite meaningful and effective. It is noteworthy that not a single voice is heard from any European institution responsible for the torture, isolation, and genocide system in Imrali. The AKP administration faces the most difficulty; it got stuck in the discussions at the UN. The AKP has now been exposed, which is also very significant and needs to be well understood. It is a clear sign that, through the struggle, results are achieved. It is exposing and challenging the Imrali system of torture, isolation, and genocide, as well as the lawlessness and immorality there. The struggle has already caused great difficulties for those responsible. This is a clear fact. In this respect, it is necessary to continue and further develop the struggle. Other circles could have built up even more pressure from outside, but this has not yet happened. I wonder where that stems from. It certainly makes us think, and the Barzanis and the KDP administration quickly come to mind. Are they actively preventing even stronger reactions? On the one hand, together with the AKP and MHP, they are continuing this system of isolation, torture, and genocide in its 26th year and [the total isolation of Rêber Apo from the outside world in its] 41st month, but on the other hand, they may have an influence on the world’s silence.

I come to this conclusion by remembering the time when Rêber Apo was in Rome. At this time, Masoud Barzani submitted a file to the Rome prosecutor’s office for the arrest and trial of Rêber Apo. He wanted him not to be released, not to be free. He presented documents accusing Rêber Apo of crimes to arrest and put him on trial. We have these documents. What would a person, a so-called politician who did this then not do now? They may be behind the silence in so many circles. We need to see, understand, and investigate this well. What kind of attempts are they really making? What kind of other documents have not been discovered yet? The global public opinion says, ‘These are the Kurds’, and they don’t go into it any further. It is necessary to see this face of betrayal and expose it. This needs to be seriously investigated.

Kurdish politics can only be self-determined up to the point where it opposes the system of torture, isolation, and genocide in Imrali and demands the physical freedom of Rêber Apo. There are parties and individuals who consider themselves left-wing, but even though, for 26 years, an unprecedented system of isolation and torture has been going on, they do not make a sound. They do not oppose this; they do not even question it. Many circles in Turkey that call themselves leftists, socialists, and democrats do not do this. I ask them, why is Rêber Apo in Imrali? They put him there because he is leading the Kurdish people’s cause for freedom, because he is fighting for democracy in Turkey, and because he is continuing the democratic revolution in Turkey with the Kurdistan freedom struggle. Or is there anything else? What kind of people are they, what kind of Kurdish identity do they have, and what understanding of freedom and democracy do they live by if they don’t question it? There is such an open fascist, colonialist, and genocidal attack, and they remain silent. There is such a great resistance for freedom and democracy, and they remain silent. They neither support the resistance nor oppose or expose the genocide. This is not the way. This aspect of the issue needs to be clarified and emphasized. It has always been stated. The litmus paper of striving for freedom in Kurdistan and democracy in Turkey is determined by the attitude towards the freedom of Rêber Apo against the Imrali system of torture, isolation, and genocide.

Everyone’s approach is well known today, but it remains necessary for everybody to make their position even more clear. It is clear that isolation, torture, and genocide are made possible by betrayal. For 26 years, Rêber Apo has been kept in such a system by both the Turkish and European governments. No one can excuse herself or himself from saying that she or he does not know about or understand what is going on. All of this needs to be exposed more, and one must unite more with the struggle of Rêber Apo. One must see her or his own freedom in the freedom of Rêber Apo. Rêber Apo’s freedom must be seen as the key to democratization in Turkey, the Middle East, and the world. Therefore, we must unite all our struggles for freedom and democracy with the global freedom campaign for the physical freedom of Rêber Apo.

The betrayal you draw attention to also manifested itself in Shengal (Sinjar) ten years ago. This is the 10th anniversary of the massacre of the Êzidi (Yazidi) community. What happened back then is being discussed in Kurdish society. Your movement played a crucial role at that time. What can be said about what happened back then?

On the 10th anniversary, I condemn with hatred the genocidal ferman [The term is used by the Êzidi people to describe a genocidal attack on them. It comes from the time of the Ottoman Empire, where the rulers attempted to wipe out the Êzidis through several ‘fermans’.] of the fascist, genocidal ISIS gangs against Shengal and our Êzidi Kurdish people. I salute the heroic struggle against this and celebrate its success. I commemorate the heroic martyrs of this struggle with respect and gratitude by commemorating comrade Zeki Shengali [a member of the KCK Executive Council who played a crucial role in the defense and reconstruction of Shengal. On August 15, 2018, he was murdered in a Turkish airstrike on Shengal], the Mam [Uncle] Zeki of our Êzidi Kurdish people. The genocidal attacks and the ferman continue. The resistance for the existence and freedom of Shengal and the Êzidi Kurdish people also continues. Even though ten years have passed, the genocide still continues. It continues with the AKP-MHP, and it continues with the KDP. These forces are trying to involve Iraq and many other powers in this. Massoud Barzani is running around, trying to see how he can get everyone to attack Shengal. This is a well-known reality that should not be misunderstood. Indeed, these last ten years have seen great enlightenment in terms of what is happening in Shengal. Who is who? What are the interests being followed by the different forces? Everything has been seen. The once-responsible for the genocide and its accomplices were clearly exposed, as it was also clearly seen who valiantly and heroically resisted. For ten years, Shengal has gained freedom. Its people live on the basis of democratic autonomy. The people of Shengal, the Êzidi Kurdish people, the women, and the youth organized themselves, formed their institutions, developed self-defense, gained willpower, and began to live freely. Of all the Êzidi communities scattered all over the world, probably the one that achieved to live the most according to their own perspective of life in the last ten years was the one in Shengal. The Êzidi identity has experienced its most free and beautiful period in these last ten years of resistance. Êzidi Kurdish women, youth, and people appreciate this. They are aware of this and believe in it. They will not allow themselves to be slaughtered by fermans like sacrificial sheep. They will raise their consciousness even further, organize themselves, and become strong-willed and ready to protect themselves. This community is a community of struggle.

Rêber Apo’s philosophy and the support of the HPG, YJA-Star guerrillas, and the freedom forces of Rojava have re-created this consciousness. It has brought society to its senses. In this respect, we believe that the freedom-striving and social forces will develop more consciousness, more organization, and more will. Ten years have passed since, there has been no trial against ISIS. There is no common attitude. One wonders how many accomplices ISIS has that no one can touch. Who had his or her hands in this? Who were the accomplices? In order to prevent them from being seen, there is no prosecution of ISIS. It is almost as if the fight against ISIS itself will be put on trial. For example, the Baghdad administration, which at the time hailed the PKK for its fight against ISIS and said it had saved Iraq’s honor, now declares the PKK a ‘banned organization’. It is an astonishing situation. I mean, is it possible to deviate so far from the truth? I mean, can facts be so trampled underfoot for simple interests? We are experiencing these things.

Some forces call what happened a genocide, but they simply name it like that and do nothing about it. For example, Germany, I guess, probably has some interests in order to look a little nicer to the Êzidi community and drag them to their side to a certain extent. They called what happened a genocide, but we haven’t seen any serious action against ISIS by them. Instead, Germany files new lawsuits against the PKK almost every week. The German law, prosecutors’ offices, and judiciary, which is famous for being so eager to open PKK cases, consider the ISIS attack in Shengal a genocide but have not opened a single case to prosecute the backers of this genocide. It does not raise a voice against the attacks of the KDP and AKP-MHP that are trying to continue what ISIS started. On the contrary, they criticize those who were attacked. They take the PKK as an excuse. How many years ago did the PKK say they were withdrawing from Shengal? Our role in Shengal is over, and we withdrew our forces. There is a consciousness of freedom and democracy there. Society has gained its own will. Whenever society, especially women and laborers, develops their own will and acts and organizes accordingly, they say that this is the PKK. That’s not how it works. If it were like that, then the PKK could be very happy because it has achieved great success. But it is not only the PKK’s achievement. Everyone is contributing to this development and making efforts so that people can live according to their will.

In short, the reality of Shengal, the genocidal ferman, and the resistance against it have illuminated everything. I would like to end my answer by pointing out that the situation needs to be well evaluated and understood: the situation of the KDP, the Barzanis, who made an agreement with ISIS and then broke the agreement and fled when ISIS attacked, leaving the Kurdish Êzidis to the massacre of ISIS, then also the attacks that took place on the western line of Southern Kurdistan, and now the attacks of occupation and annexation on the eastern line by the AKP-MHP. All of these need to be understood as connected with each other and dependent on each other. For example, the KDP’s activities could have been better anticipated. Collaboration and betrayal know no boundaries. There is nothing it is not ready to do. It needs to be approached with caution. What has been happening in Shengal for the last ten years has not been sufficiently understood. Lessons have not been fully learned. At least on the occasion of this 10th anniversary, these lessons should be better understood. This is how we evaluated the 10th anniversary. We evaluate it as a process from which we should learn better lessons. I recommend everyone approaches it this way, which is the correct approach. Once again, I condemn the massacre with hatred and salute the heroic freedom resistance in Shengal.