The "Coup" had started with the decision for Snap Elections

The Kurdish people went to the ballos in an election where "counter" units armed to the teeth, thirsty for blood and head hunter "special units" patrolled and voted for HDP and Demirtaş, staring them in the eye.

This is not the time to rile each other up. This is the time for questions, and their answers.

How did this happen?

The Millet Alliance is rightfully asking this question.

There are thoe who say this happened due to "unjust elections and fraud". There is truth to that, but it is weak.

I believe these elections were a "very well planned election coup".

Of course the election wasn't just, the fraud was there. The tyranny was there. Arrests, buying votes, murder, they were all there.

But there is nothing convincing about describing the AKP-MHP's "election victory" like the blind describing an elephant.

These elections were an "election coup", because even if there was nothing else, there is "fascism" in this country. Isn't that enough? Being "hopeful" when faced with a "snap election" decision of a fascist dictatorship that has taken over the whole state apparatus, all the media, all the "money", that can kill whoever they want, arrest whoever they want, that confiscate property and even pensions of whoever  they want, thinking this was a godsend to "be rid of the dictatorship" gave the fascist regime the opportunity to "cloak the dictatorship with the elections".

I know it's not very ethical to say "I told you so". But it must be said now: I wrote many articles to convince the CHP to boycott the elections and HDP to support this boycott the day the fascist dictatorship called for the snap elections. I even urged the HDP to issue a call to the CHP, tell them if they declare a boycott the party would follow suit.

Because there is no instance in history of a fascist regime falling in an election, let alone an election they hemselves called for, when there was no demand for it, without the case of a revolutionary or democratic political, social or financial crisis. The word "fascist" isn't an insult, it is a very serious concept regarding regimes based on scientific analysis. Talking about fascism, and dreaming a "parliamentarian dream" is not compatible. The Kurdish Freedom Movement approached this game of "snap election" with great caution because of that.

Now we must all put our hats on the table and remember this fact.

What's done is done. We all went to the elections. In accordance with the proverb, "The army doesn't go to war wishing for defeat", we did all we could. Now, the great hope we all created with this campaign is about to be replaced by disappointment. The main issue is to not allow that to happen.

I just said a fascist dictatorship falling in an election they entered by their own will does not comply with the experience in the world. So let's continue:

So, under these conditions, with tens of thousands of activists in prison, Demirtaş and Yüksekdağ in cells, with confiscated municipalities and in a country where three people can't come together without consequence, how do we explain the HDP overcoming the election threshold in almost a miracle, and becoming the third party in the country by a landslide, achieving this with women who constitute almost half of the deputies of the party, forming a large group in the Parliament with Alevi Arabs, Armenians, Syriacs, Êzidîs, Azeris, Alevis, pro-freedom Muslims?

We explain it with the revolutionary process, and Öcalan's program of "democratic nation, democratic republic, women's emancipatory, ecological and communal society, confederal Middle East-Caucasia Common House" that has received popular support from all parts of Kurdistan and the Kurdish freedom movement gathered around this program, with its struggle indestructible in the East and the North, gaining strength in the South and marching to victory in Rojava.

There is a revolutionary process in progress in Kurdistan. To the west of the Euphrates, there isn't. Right now, if a "Democratic Autonomous Kurdistan" existed, the HDP would have formed a government with a much higher percentage in the Kurdistan autonomous government and a "dual government" would have emerged in the country. If the CHP had responded to the "snap elections coup" with an immediate boycott taking this strength into account, if they had left the fascist parties alone in the parliament, now the struggle would have been growing as seen in the election campaigns and however many votes the regime got, they wouldn't have been able to hide themselves under the cloak of legitimacy. The Kurdish freedom movement that won over the European and global public during the battle of Afrin would have put fascism in a tough place.

It all changed when CHP said, "Why would we boycott an election we will win?"

So, it wasn't just a "necessity" that the HDP enter the elections when CHP didn't favor a boycott, it was also a revolutionary response to the fascist regime attempting to build a hegemony in Kurdistan. The Kurdish freedom movement expertly combined the extra-parliamentary action with action within the parliament.

Another paradigm, in fact the most important paradigm, also played a role in the HDP's success in the election. The flexible, smart and intricate "democratic bloc" policies necessitated by the Apoist "democratic nation" suddenly created a solidarity throughout the country, even unexpectedly among Turks and Kurds, Sunnis and Alevis, Muslims and Christians, all the diversity of ethnic, religious, cultural groups. I'm not sure about the percentages, but many secular Turks who voted for Ince took it upon themselves to make sure the HDP overcame the election threshold. And the HDP in turn sincerely promised that they wouldn't let this go unreciprocated. For the first time in Turkey's history, this moment of reciprocal solidarity voided fascism's tricks to blame the Millet Alliance of "Putting up a flag on the Gaslight Hill instead of Qandil Mountain" or "Declaring patrols a victory instead of taking Manbij", and blame the Suruç massacre on the PKK, Demirtaş and even İnce himself when others failed, to push the HDP below the threshold. Erdoğan failed to achieve a majority in the Parliament to change the constitution on his own.

The "Snap Election Coup" Erdoğan put forth through Bahçeli has now come to pass. But in the horizon, there is a new and tough struggle that will not allow for "parliamentarist dreams" this time.

A while ago I wrote that the US, Germany, the UK and Israel would prefer Erdoğan in his thoroughly battered state, weakened but standing with support from the MHP and with the constant threat of the coalition he built with the "deep state globalists" falling apart, to İnce himself. Now those who calculate how they can "use" Erdoğan are at work in the deep halls of global capitals.

A deep crisis is coming. The debt collectors are thinking they will force Erdoğan to beg at the gates of the IMF. The debtee won't show mercy to the debtor. Erdoğan will beg at those gates, and put the weight of the crisis on the shoulders of workers.

God knows what plans are in the works to hold Erdoğan to account for the "foreign policy" acrobatics he has pulled to date. Ways to stop his flirtation with Russia and to put him up against Iran is certainly already being sought.

And of course when Erdoğan takes action to deepen the invasion in the South and engage in a hopeless war against Qandil, he will spin the webs of his fate himself.

In that case, leaning on to the gains the HDP made despite the "Snap Election Coup", it becomes very important for the party to "empathize" with the democrats to the west of the Euphrates, social democrats, Kemalists who entered the solidarity to have the HDP overcome the threshold with this or that agenda in mind, and especially with millions of women who hoped to be rid of the Erdoğan regime and are now in mourning, and to say "spas" to them.

The speeches the two co-chairs of the HDP gave on the night of the elections shows that the HDP has this common sense and sincerity.

And I as a journalist personally thank all journalists who issued calls so the HDP would overcome the threshold. I hope that they won't "regret" it now because of the "defeat".

All in all, I can say that the Kurdish people went to the ballos in an election where "counter" units armed to the teeth, thirsty for blood and head hunter "special units" patrolled and voted for HDP and Demirtaş, staring them in the eye.

A fearless people is invincible.

Note: It makes one think, If the CHP didn't bow down to the imposition of the IYI Party and instead formed a "Peoples' Alliance" with the HDP, wouldn't the "defeat" now be harbinging the future victory we would have all together? Something to think about, CHP.